Wednesday, March 30, 2011

The Peasantry Elite


The Peasant Elite of the United States of America

A collection of individuals, who have since derived from a line of those who have, at some point in the past, been considered "peasants" in a foreign land, are hereby incapable of having become political points of reference without thorough education in the canonical science of philosophical, governmental, and humanitarian history, and the theories that have arisen and will arise thereof.

The advent of the formation of the United States of America, an event that was ushered through blood and the stubbornness of thought, sent waves of political upheaval through the whole of the European world, such that the turbulence of Europe in the following century may be owed exclusively to the impact of the Declaration of Independence on the seatholders and peasants alike, on the other side of the Pond. Most importantly, the violence wrought by the French people on their aristocrats, a toll in deaths of approximately 44 thousand, may be owed to the extensive buildup of political stifling through many years of governmental callousness to widespread suffering and hardship, initiated at last by an example of violent opposition of people like themselves opposite the Pond, of whom they learned on scraps of paper and words on the breeze. This violence stands firm and evident in the minds of those whom it impacted, primarily the French people themselves, but also quite notably the British, who of all the European world may have received the most obstinate and pretentious of governmental circumstance, although perhaps not the most violent or inhumane.

These reforms, wrought by time and thoroughness of belief in injustice prolonged through the generations, must be considered necessary only in the circumstances that dealt them, much less the continuity of rebelliousness through all generations. Violence is evident only in an antiquated playing field; what fields have we now, the Capitalist Democrats we are, whether liberal or conservative, Democrat or Republican, but fields of governmental soundness and focus on economics and politics, about an inescapable and often arbitrary aura of complete tranquility? Americans swell at the mere thought of an armed foreigner even touching their shores, and have employed godlike defense thereof, to establish a firm and absolute understanding with those outsiders about the European and Asian world that the American populace is a people of peace and justice. The streets of America are twice as safe from deliberate wrongdoers than the simply insane; a child wandering in the night may be abducted by one of perversion, whereas a man will either be gunned down forthright by an inadvertent attempt at his life, an improbable circumstance, or successfully subdue his assailant on grounds of mediocrity of judgment. America is a sound plane of being, obstructed only by those obstructions predetermined.

But these predeterminations are not without uncertainty. All points thought to be definitive and therefore acted upon in light of their conclusive reasoning will be almost definitely and completely eradicated by the truth of uncertainty. Nothing is definitive in the real world, and neither in the mind of an individual. Jacob Bronowski, who is credited most famously with his television series, The Ascent of Man, placed both feet in the pond into which four million Jews were flushed in the epicenter of their extermination at Auschwitz and explained the invalidity of dogma, arrogance, and ignorance in the civil and righteous plane of reasoning. Violence and suffering are, indeed, wrought in the human world by one's inability to keep their judgment in check, their "deliberate deafness" to the suffering at hand, and the simple fact of wisdom's keep, which is always limited in some way. Therefore, he proclaimed, we must turn to science, not to walk around in white suits, but to act on the order of that which we do not know, or that which may not be true, in order to hereby vanquish suffering once and for all, and correct those who endorse it, regardless of their creed or check or lack of knowledge.

What good, then, is there in a government that operates on definitiveness of action at the present point in time? What does anyone know, regardless of degree in academia or in fluency in political affairs, that may be considered definitive at any point in time? And what good is a government that operates on slow change, perhaps too slow to save lives, or too slow to allow appropriate justice to those who will be repressed for only a set amount of time? What formality of operation reigns supreme over the grace of high wisdom, a superior government that may be applied in present time, purposed by indoctrination to an unexplained thirst for that which must be done, regardless? What purpose has been defined at all by the government of the United States of America, that may be deduced to the most basic of fundamental principles of mankind?

The documents upheld so indisputably by the American public, the Constitution and the Declaration of Independence, are still subject to immediate, evident, and constant change, on grounds that circumstances cannot be defined on a sheet of paper but only alleviated in real time by real agents of peace, through wisdom that may be reasoned to the beginning of the cosmos itself. How foreign yet is this cosmic wisdom to the present world? When will it become evident, if it is not evident already? Truly, at any given point in time, there is a finer operative to acquire, and life as a mode of being must be transcended by the succession of operatives over immeasurable periods of time, that is, if one wishes to establish a government that simply bears no falsity or mediocrity. Unfortunately, the nature of the populous Man is often overridden by his seemingly unbreakable bond to practice over theory, which may be the only struggle that Man has ever known. Therefore, it is imperative that he should abide by further accessions of thought than those which are immediate, and that he should never cease to ask "Why" about things, until the moment of his death, so that the truth may be embraced once and for all for the remainder of mankind's ascent to righteousness, which has since proven to be a unique one indeed.

He who is a human being is a peasant, and a king, as well. No man or woman who has ever held a throne or an office of authority has deserved that office or throne, but has inherited it wrongly. This is simply the nature of a machine that has been contrived for the convenience of man's dwelling in this realm. It is a very abstract sort of machine. As well, it must be observed that man has fared this realm through his art, much less through his definitiveness in thought, and  certainly not in terms that may be considered anything but signature of a human being. He is not a thing of order, but of antiquity; the biological world was nothing like the world we presently know, and was certainly something far removed from the tranquility of the original fertility of earth long ago. It is certainly an abstraction. And these abstractions must be maintained throughout the course of mankind's ascent.

However, they should not be maintained through the loss of blood or the shedding of life, either completely or in measurable quantities, and should be constrained to arenas of expulsion that are ineffectual to the survival of mankind, in one form or another. As I attempt to arrive at one conclusion, another will brew; there is no present or future absolution in the nature of affairs that will ever stand for any period of time longer than that which may be measured. The things that are take nature in the fact of their occurrence, which will take place over an indefinite point of time before fizzling out; the things that will be take nature in the origin of everything; the things that were actually never were at all, for the simple fact that they are not presently occurring. Conclusions will always occur. This may be the nature of all universal affairs, and the purpose of the big bang, that in this realm things simply cannot remain definitive. Oblivion is a constant affair, and therefore may not exist in this realm. Maintenance of a single ideology for any length of time will ensure its destruction; its succession must be planned and accorded upon its publication, so to ensure that it will be caught peacefully in the future by educated hands.

The definitiveness of action will corrupt and dissolve the American world, and the world of government as a whole, inevitably; government is simply a doctrine that will, in one circumstance or another, be succeeded by something inherently superior. One event leads to another; we as forward operators of our preferences of being, not as kings or peasants, but as the sentient descendants of the gravitational cosmos, victims not to our deficiencies in contrived morality but athletes in the theoretical operative of universal complacency, indoctrinated to ourselves, who are one with everyone else, and everything else at that. Many times in my life have I fared the conception that Americans are a stupid collection of individuals. This is false. Americans are not stupid; peasants are stupid. And it just so happens that most of America is populated by peasants. Perhaps this is only one step in achieving a more intelligent way of life.

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